February 17, 2006

Recent news reports published outside of China suggest that the government has launched another round of crackdowns on media in order to strengthen state control over public opinion by deterring independent reporting.

In its previous trends bulletin, HRIC examined the deepening social unrest in China's countryside as a possible impetus behind the government's renewed efforts to boost combat effectiveness and tighten control over media coverage.


Renewed Crackdowns on Media

On February 9, 2006, news reports revealed that Chen Jieren, a chief editor of the Beijing-based newspaper Gong Yi Shi Bao [Public Interest Times《公益时报》], had been fired after executives came under pressure from the authorities amid the ongoing tightening of official control over the media.[1] While the official position blamed Chen's poor management abilities, the dismissal is generally seen as a consequence of Chen's publishing a story that criticized incorrect English translations on the central government's newly launched official Web site. The story drew severe criticisms from the General Affairs Office of the State Council, as well as the government organ responsible for the newspaper, the Ministry of Civil Affairs, which then issued the dismissal.

In late January 2006, Li Datong, the chief editor of Bing Dian [Freezing Point《冰点》], a supplement of China Youth Daily, was informed that the Central Propaganda Department had decided to close the magazine. According to news reports, the magazine's editor, Li Datong, and several other senior editors of the China Youth Daily were criticized of publishing articles "incompatible with the mainstream ideology."[2] The weekly will be suspended until it is "rectified and fully recognizes and corrects its mistakes."[3] Although he retains his job, Li Datong has taken a pay cut, and it is uncertain how much longer he will be employed by the newspaper.

Chen and Li are not isolated cases in the recent media crackdown. In December 2005, the editor of Beijing News, Yang Bin, and two deputy editors were fired as part of what media watchdog groups described as a sweeping government campaign to tighten control over the media and the Internet. [Other cases appear in the "Recent Incidents" section below.]


Reasons Behind the Crackdowns

Renewed efforts to tighten control over the media may be interpreted as the government's immediate response to addressing public discontent over a number of recently exposed official scandals involving land grabs, corruption and environmental hazards. The government appears concerned that media reports of these incidents will fuel social tensions, in particular reports on land grabs and resettlement disputes.

Additionally, the CPC leadership has reiterated the importance of the media in upholding the party's monopoly of power. Amid the rapidly escalating globalization of information technology, the government is wary of any possible conflicts between the free flow of information and state control. The official message is clear--the media must stay within approved reporting boundaries, curb public criticism of the government, or face harsh reprisals.


Understanding the Hierarchy of Media Control

All television stations, newspapers and publishing houses are state-owned, which effectively allows the authorities to manipulate public opinion. State influence is exercised through appointment of media personnel, the salary structure and censorship of content. Party loyalty is assumed in this linear top-down system. At each level of government, the Propaganda Department plays a key role in monitoring editors and journalists through a national registration system and mandatory participation in ideological training sessions. Self-censorship is also reinforced under this top-down censorship system with reporters and editors often seeking prior approval from the Propaganda Departments on news stories deemed to be sensitive.

National level:
The Central Organization Department and the Central Propaganda Department of the CPC appoint managers of national media outlets, such as CCTV, People's Daily, and the Xinhua News Agency.

While the General Administration of Press and Publication (GAPP) is the official watchdog of the media industry, the Central Propaganda Department determines national standards of acceptable news content. The Central Propaganda Department distributes propaganda circulars—documents containing specific instructions for the media nationwide—to local branches of the Propaganda Department, which then forwards the circulars to all media outlets. The circulars indicate the process for handling sensitive topics or specific news stories. For example, it lists specific news stories that should not be covered in print or broadcast media.

Local and provincial level:
Local media executives are appointed by provincial party secretaries and deputy provincial heads, who in turn are appointed by the Central Organization Department and the Central Propaganda Department.

Internet:
China has tightened its grip on the Internet in response to the Web's growing nationwide popularity and the rise of Internet activism. The government has invested heavily in network infrastructure that boosts filtering efficiency. Web content is closely monitored. Over a dozen regulations relating to Internet governance are monitored and implemented by the Ministry of Public Security, the Ministry of Information Industry, the Ministry of Culture, and relevant departments of these ministries at various levels.


Censorship Techniques: The Cost of Non-Compliance

Disciplinary actions of varying severity are imposed on those who do not comply with state content requirements. The following measures target publications and individuals:

For Publications

• Content removal: Sensitive news stories or negative reporting that may embarrass government officials is generally removed. Notable examples are media cover-ups of a series of coal mining accidents in 2005 and the extent of the SARS epidemic in 2003.[4]
  
  
• Publication closures and restructuring: Publications have been closed or suspended for publishing unapproved material. In 2005, the Henan Business News was suspended for one month after it reported on official corruption. Also in recent years, the Tongzhou Gongjin magazine was restructured, the Twenty-first Century World Herald was closed, and the bimonthly journal Strategy and Management was shut down.

• Job dismissals: Recent examples include Chen Jieren of the Public Interest Times and Yang Bin, editor-in-chief of Beijing News.
  
  
• Financial disincentives: Media reforms in 2003 encouraged media organizations to tie salary to performance. In most cases, performance is determined by the number of published pieces and the readers' feedback. This discourages journalists from covering sensitive topics or writing stories that are likely to be removed from publication, which would affect their income.
  
  
• Banning writers: The CPC Propaganda Department has banned several writers and reformist political commentators, including Jiao Guobiao, Li Rui, (CPC member), Wang Yi (writer and essayist), Yu Jie (writer and essayist), Mao Yushi (director of the Tianze Economic Research Institute) and Yao Lifa (peasants' rights activist in Hubei Province).
  
  
• Party disciplinary punishment: Journalists and editors are subject to disciplinary investigation, and in some cases are expelled from the Party. For example, the former chief editor of Southern Metropolis Daily, Cheng Yizhong, was dismissed from his job and expelled from the Party, although the court cleared him of an allegation of corruption.[5]
  
  
• Arrest and imprisonment: Although press freedom is enshrined in article 34 of the Constitution, journalists are vulnerable to arbitrary interpretation and enforcement of the State Secret laws and other regulations related to national security. When such laws are invoked, journalists are often denied open trials and access to legal counsel. Notable examples of targeted journalists are Zhao Yan and Ching Cheong, who have been accused of "divulging state secrets" and "spying for foreign agencies" respectively. Both are still awaiting trial after extended detentions.

• New law adopted to justify the extent of control: On September 25, 2005, the State Council Information Office and the Ministry of Information Industry issued the Rules on the Management of Internet News and Information Services [互联网新闻信息服务管理规定]. Web site operators are required to re-register their news sites and police their sites for content that can "endanger state security" and "social order." Infringement of the Regulation is subject to fines of up to 3,700 yuan and complete closure of Web sites that provide news without government authorization. Essentially, the regulation centralizes all China-based Web news and opinion under a state regulator. Chinese bloggers, bulletin boards on popular portal sites and other independent Chinese-news Web sites are affected. Additionally, the legal definition of Internet "news" has been expanded from "news published and republished" to include "reports and comments on political, economic, military, foreign policy and other social public affairs."
  
  
• Regulation on press registration: On February 16, 2005, the General Administration of Press and Publication announced a new registration system for journalists. New press cards were issued, and journalists throughout the country are required to renew their press cards every five years. Those failing to present a press card while reporting will be punished. For instance, in mid-January 2006, three journalists from the Zhejiang-based Zhonghua Xin Qingnian [New China Youth 《中华新青年》] were sentenced to jail terms ranging from one to ten years for publishing an investigative story on land grabs in the province. Authorities said that the magazine did not have an official license, and thus the reporters did not hold valid press cards for reporting.

• Internet security team setup: In June 2005, state media reported that public security officials in Beijing were recruiting and training nearly 4,000 Internet police to monitor activities at Internet cafes and related companies. Eight hundred "internet security officers" were to be sent to the city's Internet cafés and 3,000 to other Internet-related businesses. Internet security officers are to report activities including visits to pornographic websites, "publishing" of banking details or other confidential information, and the "spreading of false information."[6] Harmful information is to be deleted in order to ensure the safe operation of the Internet.
  
  
• Ideological education campaign: On November 17, 2004, Hu Jintao initiated an ideological education campaign aimed at preserving the CPC's monopoly on power and promoting Marxist rectitude and "ideological purity" among cadres. To attain the desired "advanced nature," party members must "rally behind the central party leadership with comrade Hu Jintao."[7] Particular emphasis is placed on tightening party control over public opinion, enforcing a crackdown to restore discipline in state media, and intimidating dissident intellectuals.

• As of July 2005, there are a total of 1,926 newspapers in China, including 218 at the central level, 806 at the provincial level, 848 at the prefecture level and 54 at the county level.[8]
  
  
• There are 150,000 journalists in China, more than 70,000 of whom write for newspapers and magazines. More than 60,000 work in radio broadcasting, television, and other news agencies. Women account for 41 percent of total number of journalists.[9]
  
  
• China was ranked 159 out of 167 countries in Reporters Without Borders (RSF)'s fourth annual World Press Freedom Index 2005.[10] RSF also reported that 32 journalists remain imprisoned as of 2005.[11]
  
  
• China was ranked 177 out of 194 countries surveyed in Freedom House's Global Press Freedom Rankings 2005, dropping from its place at 173 in 2003.[12]

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